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Judd the Trickle Down Theory of Prisoner Rehabilitation Life at Wsp 1995

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J

The Trickle Down Theory of Prisoner
Life at the washington state Penitentiary
1965-1980

Sandy Judd
HST 492

March 13, 1995

~udd

/

2

INTRODUCTION

Dr. Karl Menninger came to Washington on

Febru~FY

6,

1970 to praise the state's efforts to reform its priton
system.

In his address to correctional officials,

~

assailed the more traditional American approach tow

d

incarceration: " . . . I think it .is a crime.
change anybody.

It doesn't make anybody do differen ly.

doesn't correct anything.

It

A man doesn't sit in his

abominable cell in the filth, the drabness and the
loneliness, thinking about his wife and children

cry~ng

at

I

home, and then say, 'well, I will never forge another
check .... '

That doesn't cure anybody . . . .

But st~ll we
!

perpetuate a system in which we subject people to on

i

two,

'

t

four, nine, seventeen, twenty-five, thirty-five year

of this

on the idea that the more of this horrible sort of t eatment
I,

we give them the nicer they'll be when they get out.r'

1

By

contrast, he later said that "Philosophy of correctfons,"
written by Dr. William Conte of Washington's Departmtnt of
Institutions was the finest statement he had ever
Was Washington really that different?

?

re~d.-

Judging trom the

progressive wording of a 1965 law, one would think if was:
"The director of institutions shall provide for the]
1

establishment of programs and procedures for convictrd
persons at the state penitentiary, which are designe~ to be
corrective, rehabilitative and reformative of the un esirable
behavior problems of such persons, as distinguished

rom

'1

Judd I
programs and procedures essentially penal in nature.,,3

3

Just

what programs legislators had in mind was, for the most part,
ill-defined, although other laws from approximately the same
I

time period leave some clues as to what they might h,ave
I
meant.

For instance, a 1959 law called for the cre~ion of a

"state narcotic farm colony,"
be sent for treatment. 4

to which drug addict$ would

Also in 1959, the Instituti~nal
i

Industries commission was created in order to '\assi~t the
I

department of institutions in . . . promoting

rehabil~tation

by affording such [idle] inmates an opportunity to
I
participate in industrial and agricultural activiti~~.... ,,5

Furthermore, in the 1965 law, special provisions

!
wer~

made

for the care and treatment of the criminally insane.~
i

The professional literature of the period indic.rted that
I

correctional officials, psychologists and

sociologis~s

had

i

similar ideas of what constituted a rehabilitative prOgram.
Much was made of the need for psychotherapy, and
successes of experimental therapy programs gained
attention.

Other major topics of research and

th~

wi~e

I

discu~sion

were drug and alcohol treatment; encouraging prisonef ties to
the community; the treatment of the mentally ill; an
education and vocational training.

In the professio· al
I

literature, however, the ideas were much more detail~d than
in the Washington legislation.

Even seemingly minor:i points

got attention, such as the effects of architecture a d
nutrition on the chances of successful rehabilitatio

Judd /

4

The need for these types of programs was not a sUbject
of much controversy among professionals.

They did qraw a

battle line, though, along the question of whether punishment
complimented or detracted from rehabilitative effor~~.

We

have seen the view that punishment is inconsistent

~th

rehabilitation in the statement by Dr. Menninger.

~~milar

sentiments were also expre-ssed by Dr. Richard Ball:

1

"It is

frustration-instigated behavior which brings many inbo
I

trouble with the law in the first place.

FrustratiQ~ is thus

augme~s

part of the problem, and an institution which

i

frustration actually aggravates the problem it was ~esigned
to solve."

7

Engel, M.D.:

The opposing view was best summarized

~y

S.W.

"By accepting his punishment the prispner

reaffirms his identification with society, and this jenables
him to dissociate himself from his misdeed."s
A study of the washington State penitentiary

(~SP),
I

to

i

which the 1965 rehabilitation law eluded, will shed lsome
i

light on this debate.

The literature of the period jindicates

that the ideal rehabilitative institutions would indlude
programs of mental health treatment, drug treatment ",
education, job training and extensive PSYChotherapyJ

such an

institution would also maintain an atmosphere condudive to
character reform, where the prisoner's contacts
community would be encouraged and expanded.

The reqlity at

the state's largest prison, however, was very far
ideal.

Furthermore, the punitive role of the

J the

Wl' t ~4

f~om

this

priso~ often

led to those aspects of prison life that stood in tde way of
i

j

~/

•

rehabilitation.

In short, the inherent nature of

pr~sons

5

in

general, and the conditions at this prison in particular,
made implementing major rehabilitative programs

impo~sible

in

the short term and unlikely even in the long term.

* * *
,

LIVING IN A WALK-IN CLOSET WITH THREE OTHER G~S
i

Overcrowding has been a common phenomenon in A~erican
prisons throughout the latter half of the twentieth

I

~entury.

Washington State prisons in the 1970's were no exception, and
i
I

WSP was the worst offender.

From the perspective of: prison
I

management, this was a serious problem and a key

fad~or

in

I

many incidents of violence.

From the point of view pf a
i

rehabilitation advocate, however, it was a problem t~at would
!

have to be overcome if any new program was to have d
",

realistic chance of success.

It had ramifications fpr

counseling and mental health treatment, drug

treatm~t,

and

I

education and vocational training, as the

I

availabili~y

of

such programs would be limited by the proportionally! small
~

number of facilities and staff.

Overcrowding also ~ffected

visiting, as the number of visitors were limited to Ithe
capacity of the visiting room, which probably

disco~raged

some visitors from making the trek to Walla Walla tq see
i

their friend or family member, knowing that they ma
turned away at the gate.

be

~M/

6

Although these things would have been affected py even a
small amount of overcrowding, the situation at WSP
beyond this.

According to Judge Jack Tanner, who

w~nt

far

writing

wa~

~owest

in a 1980 court opinion about conditions there, the

i

population at Walla Walla in recent history was 1000,j to 1100,
which exceeded the state's own rated capacity by abo~t two
j

hundred.

Tanner then applied the American correctio~al
I

I

Association (ACA) standards, and determined a capacity of
j

!

492.

This meant that the state would have to

remov~i

thirds of the prisoners at WSP in order for the ACA
consider the facility humane.

two

~o

9

i

The use of numbers to describe overcrowding mig,pt make
!

it hard to relate to the problem, but the consequencbs to
prisoners were quite grave because it aggravated

exi~ting
,

resource problems.

In addition to the difficulties

~ith

rehabilitative programs mentioned earlier, more basib
,I

services suffered.

A medical care system that could not

serve prisoners in a timely fashion under ordinary qpnditions
1

became even less effective in a situation of overCrq~ding.
Similarly, building facilities no longer sufficed;

~or
,

!

example, the cafeteria became too small, forcing

so~e

prisoners to eat standing up, which led to fights.
Opportunities for exercise, which relieved tension, ialso
became more rare as the prison became more crowded.

I

J

!

Furthermore, the tension level increased as opportuqities for

privacy decreased, and this contributed to the Vi011nce.

Judd /

7

Crammed together into spaces considered too small fOf zoo
animals lo , prisoners tended to get on each others nerves.
i

Prisoner against prisoner violence, however, war not the
i

only consequence of the heightened tension level.
aftermath of a 1979 riot at WSP, the washington

Ip the

Stat~

Senate

Subcommittee on Adult Corrections determined that "The
~he

single most serious problem in adult corrections is
degree to which the inmate population exceeds the

!

r~~ed

1

capacity of state facilities."ll

Overcrowding was ~etermined
i

•

to be a major cause of the riot, wh1ch cost the

I

ta~ryers
I

$2.2 million.

~onroe

In 1980, similar riots at prisons in

and Shelton, which were also overcrowded, cost the
million dollars each. l2

s~ate

a

I

Adding weight to the Senate Subcommittee's condlusions
were the recommendations made earlier by

investigat~rs

from

I

the American Correctional Association (ACA) to the Washington
Adult Corrections Division.

1

The investigators

immediate relief of overcrowded conditions by

for the

call~d
movin~

anyone

;
I

within 120 days of release to a work release or
program.

si~lar

They also suggested that all prisoners be released
,

as soon as they reached their parole dates, which

t~e

parole

board had become more and more reluctant to do as p~blic
pressure to keep people locked up increased.

13

That the ACA made these recommendations and th~t it had
a set of standards designed to discourage overcrowding
indicates that it was a widely occurring problem.

that they
I

sent investigators to Walla Walla indicates that thts and

j
!

Judd /
other problems were particularly acute at WSP.

8

Ther$fore,

the prospect of implementing new programs that would be
adversely affected by overcrowding was especially

bl~ak

at

the washington State Penitentiary.

* * *
SCANNING THE WANT ADS FOR LICENSE PLATE JOBS

Among the services that suffered due to overcrowding
were education and vocational training, which were tme most
intuitively sensible of all the rehabilitative

progr~ms.

Common sense tells us that many people turn to propetty
crimes in order to survive because they are unemploY$d,
poorly educated, and have no occupational skills.
conclusion was supported by 1963 statistics from

Tl!lis
:i

was~ington,

where only 14.3 percent of prisoners had graduated high
school, and more than half of the male prisoners had no
occupational skills. 14
Apparently, the problem existed nationally, as

~rison

officials in many states experimented with education and
training programs in the hope that they would better prepare
prisoners for the hardships awaiting them in the out$ide
world.

A study of one such program at the Indiana

Reformatory, for example, concluded that while 36.6 percent
jl

of all its parolees were returned for parole violatins, only
15.8 percent of those who received institutional eduation

Judd /
were returned.

9

A 1965 analysis of Washington's academic

programs showed similar, though less dramatic, results:
Parolees as a whole had a 39.6% failure rate, compared to
36.5% for program participants.

The study's author

~oncluded

that these numbers were insignificant in light of ot~er
factors, such as the success rate among non-particiPfnts of
the same age group, but parolees, parole officers, a~d
I

:

employers generally considered the program to be of ralue.

15

I

A 1980 report from the washington State Departm~nt of
I

Social and Health Services (DSHS) contained similar!
sentiments:

"Education and vocational training

pro~rams

comprise a major part of rehabilitative efforts in a~ult
corrections facilities in Washington.

i

Resource expe*ditures
i

in these areas reflect, in part, a judgment that conticted
i

felons lack both educational and job skills that cou~d enable
I

them to survive in a competitive emploYment

116

market.'~
;

According to the report, only 23% of those prisonersjwithout
I

a high school diploma or GED were enrolled in an edufational
program. 17

It also stated that 28% of all washingto~ State

prisoners wanted to participate in such programs but; could
not be fit in. 18

Furthermore, the unmet demand for

I
i

vocational training was 40%, with a 67% unmet demand! for the
!

more popular training programs in mechanics,
construction. 19

busines~

and

When it came to actual work experie~ce, 55%

of the state's prisoners were employed, but only 5% were
employed in Institutional Industries, which had the
?O

demand. -

rreatest

Judd /
Perhaps the reason for the popularity of

10

Instit~tional
ga~ned

Industries was the perception that the experience

there would be more valuable than that gained elsewhere.
it was, released prisoners would have a hard enough

~ime

finding a job with only prison work experience, but

~f

As

that

experience were in milking cows or making license pl~tes,
,
their chances of success would be even slimmer.

Thu~,

the

inherent nature of the prison as a place of punishment, which
served to stigmatize prospective employees, combinedJwith the
1

inadequacies of emploYment within the prisons to

mak~

it very

difficult for prisoners to find work upon release.

* * *
DRUGS ARE BAD POR YOO

Just as overcrowding at WSP negatively affected; the
availability of education and vocational programs,

·.1

i!~
I

also

posed a problem for the implementation of substance ~buse
treatment.

Even prisoners who asked for drug

treat~nt

could

i

not get any, despite the known effectiveness of treatment
programs in reducing recidivism among the addicted.! For
I

example, the Seattle Police Department began an

exp~~imental

project in 1948 to send alcoholics to treatment

cent~rs
",

instead of jail.
concluded:

\\

A study on the desirability of

th~
i

program

f.

[I]t is apparent that a rehabili ation

facility can cut down the arrest rate of chronicall1 arrested
i

!

Judd /
alcoholics, at least for the six months following

11

re~ease.

Aside from the benefits to individual alcoholics from such a
I

project, the financial savings to the city are treme~dous.,,21
I

A 1974 Census Bureau study concluded that 53% of ho~cides
,

and 67% of assaults were committed under the influen~e of
,

alcohol,22 so the savings to the community probably ~ent
beyond the financial domain.
Although most of the studies done on treatment programs
up to this time concerned alcohol treatment,

correct~ons
I

professionals were also experimenting with narcotic~
One such program, the Cornerstone

Progra~

in

Oregon, was later found (in 1985 and 1989) to

greatl~

reduce

treatment.

i

recJ.'d"J.vJ.sm. 23

Part of the reason for this was that ~he

treatment facility was completely separate from the ~rison,
24
and participants helped to run the program.
It is;
interesting to note that this aspect of treatment wJII come
up again later when discussing self-esteem therapy and the
Resident Governmental Council at WSP.

I

In any case, the availability of drug and alcoijol
treatment at WSP was quite limited.

According to tbe DSHS
I

report mentioned earlier, the only drug treatment i~ any of
the state's prisons was not treatment at all, but

d~ug

education, and even this was unavailable at WSP.

On the

other hand, 46% of WSP prisoners wanted to particip~te in a
treatment program.

25

Three of them even tried to ge~

treatment by filing suit:

"We assert that our

add~ction is

an illness, and that failure to provide us with nee,ed

I

i
J

i

I

i

I

,
Judd /

12

medical treatment or care amounts to a violation of the
Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments of the United State$
i

Constitution."

They added to their grievance that 9he
I

justification for incarcerating them was based on th$ policy
,
26
o f re h a b ~' l '~tat~on.

i

Like in the case of the Seattle police project, !the
state would have done well to give addicted prisoner, the
I

treatment they demanded.

According to two separate $tudies,

alcohol was involved in the crimes for which 43% of
Washington's prisoners had been incarcerated in 1979, up from
40% in 1977.

The figures for drug involvement were

1979 and 47% in 1977.

27

in

~2%

Although there was probably Isome

overlap between the two sets of numbers, the

incide~e

of

drug and alcohol involvement in leading to eventual
imprisonment was astonishingly high.
The reason behind WSP's poor response to the
indicated by these figures is unclear.

ne~d

Undoubtedly,

overcrowding would have made treatment programs

implement, but the striking difference between the
Cornerstone and Seattle police projects and the

to

dife~cult
,I

!

prog~ams

(or

lack thereof) in Washington's prisons indicates that.: the
i

problem went beyond just overcrowding.
for instance, was meant to be entirely

~roject,

The Seattle

rehabilitati~e

at all punitive, whereas the primary purpose of the

and not

~rison

was to punish and only secondarily to rehabilitate.

The
I

Cornerstone Program avoided this contradiction by

s~nding

prisoners to the program at the end of their sentendes, so
I

J1udd /
that the punishment phase was over, providing a
between punishment and rehabilitation.

clea~

13

break

In prisons, $ubstance
,

abuse was treated like a crime because prisons were

~riminal
I

institutions, and thus the natural tendency was to Pfohibit
consumption rather than to eliminate the user's addittion.
,

Like in the case of education and vocational trainin$,
substance abuse treatment was limited both by the po~r
conditions at WSP and by the very nature of the

pris~n

setting.

* * *
SHARING THOUGHTS OF INTIMACY WITH THE PRISON C"SOR

The above pattern also held true in the realm

d~
!

community ties.

Although the establishment and

mai~tenance

of strong bonds with members of the community was knPwn to
have a rehabilitative effect on prisoners, those

ti~s

were

constantly being threatened by the nature and condit.lions of
the prison.
The DSHS report on program needs recognized th~t
I

continuing contact with family members increased the
?8

prisoner's chances of post-release success.-

Furth$rmore,

in a 1967 study of parolees in Chicago, Italian pardlees, who
generally maintained close family ties throughout
imprisonment, were found to be more successful than Polish
•

•

?9

parolees, who d1d not have th1s advantage.-

dd /

14

In addition to the more formal studies, B.J. Rh y, the
warden at WSP for twenty years beginning in the late 1950's,
went to Europe to study what corrections professiona s
considered to be advanced prison systems.

In his re ort on

the trip, Rhay noted that England had a volunteer
would

program where community members visited prisoners
not otherwise have gotten visits and later assisted
re-entry into society.3o

He also noted that the gen

al use

of home visits served "as a salutary bond between t e
community and the offender.,,31
The significance of such observations was not 1 st on
Dr. Conte, whose "Philosophy of Corrections"
earlier.

was m ntioned

Two of the four major reforms that he impl

in 1970 as director of the Washington Department of
Institutions dealt with the prisoner's ties with the
community.

First, prisoners were allowed to make co lect

phone calls to people on the outside.

As Conte wrot ,

"The

purpose of this endeavor is to assist the resident
maintaining contact with the family and friends.

..

other related reform was the discontinuation of the

'
censors h lp

0

fprlsoner
'
mal'I . 33

olicy of

In his 1990 book on

reform, Dr. Conte described an event that showed th
such a change:

The

need for

"A young man once showed me a letter he had

received from his girlfriend.

It had been censored.

The woman had obviously been writing her tender tho

hts

because the general nature of the paragraph censore

revealed

her feelings of intimacy.

ed me

The incensed young man a

15

how it was that his lover's innermost thoughts inter ered
with the security of the prison or how they could po sibly be
interpreted as being destructive to his adjustment i
correctional setting.

I was at a loss to answer."

the

34

Despite Dr. Conte's efforts, mail censorship wa

a

consistent problem at WSP throughout the 1970's, esp cially
in the segregation unit. 35

A constant source of irr'tation

for prisoners, putting an end to mail censorship was usually
on the list of demands made during the numerous prot sts they
staged,

It was item number four on the prisoner

of

Rights, written by Resident Governmental Council
representatives in 1972 as a guide for how to impro
WSp.

36

The problem culminated after the 1979 uprisi

administrators stopped mail delivery completely for
months.

life at

everal

37

The situation was not much better for personal
In her book on language and culture at WSP, Inez Ca

isiting.
ozo-

Freeman quoted prisoner Eugene Delorme: "The genera
attitude of the prison personnel is that there isn'

a decent

sonovabitch inside the walls as far as they are con
it just follows that a woman that would marry a per
us would have to be a low-life, and probably a crim'nal
herself.

, ,

3~

This attitude led to a great de

frustration for the prisoners and discouraged visit

from

their friends and family,
The problem continued on through the 1970's an , like
the mail censorship, culminated in 1979, when priso

udd /
led to the complete elimination of visiting.

Invest'gators

from the American Correctional Association criticiz
move:

16

this

"Inmates have been denied visiting for an ent re month

or more.

We believe this to be totally inconsisten

sound, humane, rational correctional treatment.

,,39

other hand, it was perfectly consistent with WSP's

n the
. story of

discouraging prisoner ties to the community.
This can partly be explained by the prison's i
nature.

lated

Since the purpose of prison was to separat

the

prisoner from society, it would follow that contact

ith

people on the outside would be limited.

te in

his Philosophy of Corrections,
and isolating.

. . .

As Conte w

"Prisons are both

This isolation, which is part

parcel of the prison system, constitutes a major ob

to

be overcome at this point in time when every effort is being
made to help the individual relate to and adjust in the
community from which he came, to which he will ulti

tely

return, and in which he will, hopefully, demonstrat

an

improved relationship to others.,,4o
Beyond the isolation factor, another aspect of prison
that is just as deeply ingrained had a negative eff
prisoners' ability to maintain their community ties

Since

prisons were primarily places of punishment, the te
the public as well as the guards was to expect pris

to

suffer.

that

It followed that they should be denied any

might make them happy, and for most people, having

eaningful

relationships with friends and family members did j st that.

udd /

17

This turned out to be a very difficult psychological factor
to overcome in this segment of the struggle to rehab'litate.

* * *
VERMIN INFESTATION AND OTHER UNPLEASANTNES

Along with their discussions of the need for p 'soner
contacts with the community, correctional professio

Is wrote

about more subtle changes that should be made, like

he

creation of a community-like atmosphere within the
institution.

As Sim Van Der Ryn of the University

California put it, "Treatment is beginning to focus on
modifying the immediate environment in order to mod'fy human
behavior.

Under this concept, architectural design

ecomes a

problem of creating a truly adaptable, non-threaten' g
setting in which a natural and gradual transition m

be made

from external control to a more social and internal'zed
control.,,41

Along a similar line, Dr. E. John Leas

that environmental factors such as diet seem to pIa
42
in human behavior.
Thus it would be of some use t

noted
a role
examine

these types of conditions for WSP prisoners.
Basically, this aspect of prison life also pro
contrary to the philosophy of rehabilitation. For i stance,
Superintendent James Spalding reportedly told Judge
that he thought WSP should be shut down due to the
deterioration of the facility.

Although Spalding 1

dd /

18

retracted this statement,43 Judge Tanner concurred wi h his
original assessment, calling the physical plant "01 ,
dilapidated, and ill-maintained."

Specifically, he

that poor lighting caused eye strain and hindered

itation

efforts; poor plumbing produced a threat of water
contamination; lack of fire prevention created a

in

living areas; food was prepared under unsanitary
including the presence of rodents; vermin infested
prison; and the air "was generally dank.,,44
To sum up, conditions at WSP were far from idea

If

the food preparation could not even be considered sa itary,
it is difficult to imagine how prison officials coul

have

provided diets specifically engineered to positivel

affect

behavior, as Lease suggested.

s could

Similarly, if offici

not or did not bother to expel the vermin from the
institution, they could hardly be expected to take

an

architectural project dedicated to creating an atmo

here

conducive to rehabilitation.

* * *
BIG RED

That the poor physical plant conditions at WSP resulted
from unwillingness as well as inability to make imp ovements
was suggested by the existence of Big Red, a segreg tion unit
used for solitary confinement.

If creating a commu ity

dd /

19

atmosphere was rehabilitative, then sUbjecting a pri oner to
sensory deprivation and solitary confinement must ha e been
its opposite.

Dr. Conte tried to control this by el minating

strip cells as one of his four major reforms, 45 but

e use

of Big Red continued.
Transfer to segregation was what happened to pr soners
who became active in strikes and other protests agai st the
conditions at WSP.

Naturally, the conditions in seg egation

were worse than in the units for the general populat·on.

For

instance, in 1976 prisoners from protective custody, who were
generally "rats"

and enemies of the activists, got control

of food preparation for the ISU.

This resulted

ending up in pudding, Purex in coffee and urine
shakers.

ap chips

It

This, in turn, led to a conflict between

prisoners and staff:

"The urine in the salt shaker

touched off a bitter struggle.

It started off as a

unger

strike and escalated to the point where prisoners

e

throwing shit and piss on their captors.

ers are

still suffering from the lingering effects of beati

s

inflicted during the course of this struggle.,,46
Abuse from guards was also worse in the ISU
other parts of the prison.

The Walla Walla Brother , a group

of activists in segregation, summed up the situatio
1976 article:

in

in a

"Prisoners are at the mercy of guar

Because the segregation units are isolated from the rest of
the prison and the outside world, qualified, decent guards
can't stop racist, often sadistic guards from haras ing or

dd /

20

beating prisoners, or, in some cases, tear-gassing tern.
Guards rarely, if at all, have to answer to higher
.
for the1r
treatment

' "
0f
pr1soners.

ficials

0

47

Besides being counterproductive to the rehabili ation of
prisoners in its grasp, the segregation unit served

punish

0

those who could playa role in the rehabilitation of others.
In a 1977 article, the Walla Walla Brothers propose

to

counteract the negative effects of prison:
to the

system is such a failure that it actually contribut
problem it purports to solve.

We are rights consci

s

prisoners who not only want to expose this dangerou

fraud,

but who want to work towards alternatives as well . .
There is a lot we can do to reduce crime against wo en, small
business people, the aged and working people.

,,48

One way that they went about this was to creat
Against Sexism (MAS).

Men

The short term goal of

to reduce prison rape, but in the long term this gr
have achieved the Walla Walla Brothers' objective
with victims of street crime to reduce violence on
outside.

uniting

0

he

One example of the work of MAS was descri

article about overcrowding that was written by one
members:

in an
fits

"We have frequent occasion to deal with

problems [of overcrowding] in Men Against Sexism.

·risoners

stumble into the office with a broken nose or a bla k eye
asking us to help find them a cell where they can g t
along."

4Q

-

21

The above quotation is meaningful for two reaso s.
First, it shows that prisoner groups were trying to

eal with

problems that the administration should have already
resolved.

It is also significant in that the mentio

of an

office implies that the group was officially sanctio ed.
Despite this, both prisoner members and outside asso iates
were harassed by prison officials because Ed Mead,

founding

member, had belonged to a radical prisoner rights g
t h e outS1. d e k nown as the George Jac k son B'
r1ga d e. 50
Furthermore, Mead and another important MAS member,

anny

Atteberry, were kept in segregation for much of the

stays

at WSP, and they were both transferred to the feder
penitentiary in Marion, Illinois in the early 1980'
again the philosophy of punishment had collided wit

Once
the

objectives of rehabilitation and left only broken s
behind.

* * *
TAKE TWO ASPXRIN AND BLEED TO DEATH BY MORNI G

Discussed thus far have been the results of ef,orts to
provide substance abuse treatment and to improve pr soner
occupational skills and community ties.

The implic tions of

the physical plant conditions, nutrition and segreg tion have
also been examined, leaving only one element yet to be
discussed: psychotherapy.

Before it would be appro riate to

22

discuss the logistics of providing psychotherapy fo
prisoners, however, it is prudent to first look at

e

availability of more basic services, such as medica

and

mental health care, beginning with a look at medica

care.

In general, WSP prisoners in need of medical a
had a great deal to be concerned about.

One exampl

prison hospital's less fortunate patients was Rober
who was stabbed by another prisoner on May 23, 1978.

ention
of the
Redwine,
Doctors

determined that his wound was not serious, stitched it up and
sent him away.

When he complained that he was in p

needed further attention, the head nurse had him 10
Other prisoners heard him screaming and tried to ge
attention for him, but the nurse refused.
internal bleeding within a few hours.

He died

51

This was not an isolated incident.

Like with

he mail

censorship, decent medical care was always on the 1
demands of activist prisoners when they organized s

and

other protests.

it

In the case of a 1974 hospital tak

became the central issue.

The incident began when

he

Resident Governmental Council (RGC) requested that

he

warden, B.J. Rhay, consider a list of demands that

ere

mostly related to medical care.

RGC members warned that

prisoners were very upset about the situation and t at they
would become violent if he did not start negotiatin

He

refused, the prisoners rioted, and then he told the press
. 1 ence came as a compl
'
52
t h at t h e Vl0
ete surprlse.

23

During the uprising, Danny Atteberry and anothe
prisoner gained control of the hospital and took
hostages.

ral

When an RGC member informed them that

negotiations were going nowhere, they stabbed four h stages,
injuring them superficially.53

Guards

beat the prisoners, and the demands were never met. 5
In an article published in the Northwest Passa

, an

anonYmous author said that unnamed prisoners critici ed the
takeover, and particularly the stabbing.

They felt

prisoners would have made gains had their actions
extreme.

hat
been so

They also complained about the injuries to the

nurses, because they felt that civilian employees we e their
only friends at WSp. 55

Obviously, men like Robert R

would not have shared in this sentiment, and for thi

wine
reason

the stabbing should not be viewed solely as a negoti
tactic, but also as a sYmbol of protest against the
hospital staff treated prisoners.
In addition to the evidence presented by priso
lack of decent medical care was documented by

In

Hoptowit v. Ray, a 1980 class action lawsuit objecti
conditions at WSP, Judge Jack Tanner made nine
issue:

on this

The staffing and the administration of the

care system were inadequate; medication was

by

people who were not trained or licensed; the medical
system was deficient; there was no preventive healt
facilities were ill-equipped; and there was no basic mental
health care.

/

His other two points dealt with the inadequate
medical care:

24

ccess to

"Sick call is not conducted on a dai

and preliminary procedures at sick call often cause
delay of necessary medical care..

Much discretio

enial or
to

decide which prisoners will get access to medical ca e is
vested in the guards.

Often, guards fail to forwar

complaints and use their discretion as leverage ove
•

J.nmates . .

medical
the

, , 56

Thus it appears that prisoners had legitimate c ncerns
about the quality and availability of medical care.

The

Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed Judge Tanne
decision in 1982:

"Based upon the findings of fact

district court did not err in concluding that the m

ical

services provided at the penitentiary are so defici

t that

they reflect a deliberate indifference to the serio

medical

needs of the prisoners and therefore constitute a v' lation
of the Eighth Amendment." 57

* * *
DIAPERS I

CHAINS I

AND A MENTALLY ILL PSYCHOLOG ST

Regarding basic mental health care, Judge Tann r
declared that it was non-existent at WSp,58 while th

DSHS

report of the same year (1980) asserted that the on
psychiatric care available in the Washington prison system
59
was at the Mental Health Unit at Walla Walla.
Whi e the

udd /

25

report declared this care to be woefully inadequate, this
still represents a contradiction to Tanner's findin
Perhaps the reason for this was the timing, as the

ad

psychologist, Dr. william Hunter, had only recently

eft his

leadership position in this unit that was largely h'
creation.
Another possible reason for the contradiction
this creation, even under loose criteria, could
called beneficial to the mentally ill.

s that
y be

under

Created in

Hunter'S direction,60 the Mental Health Unit at wsp
supposed to provide psychological therapy for the p isoners,
but in reality it functioned as a laboratory for th

sadistic

doctor and as a control mechanism for the administr
,
,
use agalnst
prlsoners
wh 0 acte d up. 61

"treatments"

The experimen sand

the prisoners were subjected to could not have

been legally administered to free people, and had t is man
practiced these methods in the free world, he might well have
been brought up on criminal charges.
Dr. Hunter's theory was that people who commit ed crimes
had not gone through childhood correctly.62
therapeutic techniques were the practice of making

risoners

wear baby diapers and carry baby bottles, chaining
their beds for days, thereby forcing them to urinat

and

defecate on themselves, locking them in strip cells and
allowing "good"

prisoners to "discipline"

the ot ers. 63

The latter element was perhaps the worst part
treatment.

f the

The patients who were willing to betray their

udd /

26

fellow prisoners and to follow Dr. Hunter, like dogs trying
of the

to graduate from obedience school, were put in char
facility.

Hunter allowed them to do whatever they

nted to

.
64
t h e ot h er pat1ents.

The Walla Walla Brothers described what this m nt to
patient Donald Snook:

"As soon as he got [to

Health Unit], he was assaulted by the resident atte
(the 'good' prisoners) while the guards watched.

ants

H was

handcuffed to a radiator during group sessions at

'ch he

was ridiculed by other prisoners; he was hosed
water, tied between two mattresses with rope, chain
bed for 16 days, isolated in a strip cell, injected
massive doses of tranquilizers and maced.

,,65

ith

They

mention whether these actions were provoked in any
in any event, it is hard to imagine what Snook coul
done to deserve this treatment.
Hunter's "good"

have

One gets the impre

patients were psychopathic and did not need

a reason to hurt someone.

Incidentally, in that sa e

article, the Walla Walla Brothers noted that severa

of

Hunter's patients had committed suicide, some under
suspicious circumstances, while being held in the M
Health Unit.
Dr. Hunter himself was a megalomaniac who beli
had found the answer to the crime problem.

he

In givi

lecture to a group of prisoners in a psychology cIa
claimed that no one who had been through his progra
reoffended.

He also said he believed that all pris

had ever

27

should have to go through his program, that they sho
be released, and that if they committed another
should be executed. 66

they

Ironically, Donald Snook,

atient

mentioned above, ended up on death row for
prisoner.

He did this hours before he was to appear

the parole board, which probably would have
his way toward release.

His victim was one of Dr.

resident attendants, the one who had wrung urine fr
onto Snook's face while he lay chained to the bed.

a mop

67

As for Dr. Hunter, he was pressured into
1976 but was later taken on as a consulting psychol

in
ist and

essentially remained in charge of the Mental Health
The controversy surrounding his practices continued~ however,
and he was forced into an early retirement in 1979.
Clearly, a state that was serious about providng
treatment for mentally ill criminals would not hire someone
like Dr. Hunter to head up a mental health facility

On the

other hand, Dr. Conte's sincere desire to promote
rehabilitation is inconsistent with this analysis,

king one

wonder if he even knew about Hunter, especially sin e Hunter
received no mention in Conte's book about his exper ences as
Director of the Department of rnstitutions.

68

At any rate, the case of Donald Snook, the sui ides, and
the behavior of the "good"

patients combine to in icate

that the effect of the Hunter method was to turn vi lent
people into violent psychotic people.

The mental

at WSP was therefore not merely inadequate, but

alth care

udd /
counterproductive.

Given this situation, the possi
have

implementing a serious psychotherapy program there
been remote.

28

The extreme nature of the situation

particular to WSP, but it must be noted that part

0

what

gave rise to it was the WSP administration's use of the
Mental Health Unit as a place to send prisoners who were
"acting up."

In other words, it was used as a pI

e of

punishment, mirroring the overall problem of reconc ling
punishment with rehabilitation.
In a way, this result was quite logical.

Acco ding to

state law, mentally ill criminals were not supposed to be in
prison at all.

In 1907, the legislature ordered th t a ward

for the criminally insane be added to WSp,69 but in

957,70

1959,71 and again in 1965,72 the legislature require

institutions administrators to send the criminally
state hospitals.

Therefore, anyone who was in

than in a hospital would have to be considered
disciplinary problem, not a psychological one.

* * *
BUILDING UP #250986'S SELF-ESTEEM

The reality of mental illness in prisons diff

ed

considerably from what the law would have predicte , however.
According to the DSHS report on program needs, bet

en nine

and twenty-two percent of the state's prison popul

ion had

udd /
•

serious mental health problems.

73

29

This left prison

administrators in the difficult position of dealing

ith

mentally ill prisoners who were mentally healthy in

he eyes

of the law.

re to

This problem was compounded by the fai

recognize that even prisoners who were not sufferin

from a

diagnosable illness could still benefit from therap

and that

this therapy could assist them in avoiding criminal activity
in the future.
Simply providing a trusted therapist for priso
discuss their problems and anxieties with would hav

been the

ideal place to start on the road toward such therap

74

Although counseling was available, only 21% of WSP

risoners

reported discussing their problems with counselors, as
opposed to 47% who confided in other prisoners, and 44% who
75
talked with no one at all.
This implies that whil
counselors were often available, not only were they not
therapists, they were not trusted.
In many cases, the reason that a trusted thera ist was
so important was because the prisoner's downhill sl de into
the criminal justice system began when they were be rayed by
those on whom they had depended, usually their pare ts.

As

psychologist Isadore Hyatt put it, " . . . the bulk of prison
7 -

inmates consists of immature, love-starved, lonely

eople."o

A recent study showed that children who are abused

r

neglected are 53% more likely than other children t

be

arrested as juveniles and 38% more likely to be arr sted as
adults.?7

Although this study was done after the p

iod in

/

30

question, one juvenile specialist stipulated that

study

merely confirmed what corrections professionals had

own all

along.

78

In light of this, theoretical therapy programs

iscussed

in professional journals often dealt with building t
prisoner's self-esteem.

For example, Hyatt suggeste

that

rehabilitative efforts focus both on the building of
individuality and the acceptance of responsibility.7
latter of these ideas will be discussed later.)

(The

Als, one of

the things that had most impressed Rhay on his Europ an visit
was that he found within the institutions there "a
"
concern f or h uman d ~gn~ty."

enuine

80

The building of individuality and human dignit

was a

tall order in the American prison setting, though,
in a situation of overcrowding as existed at WSP.

t only

was the prisoner's identity reduced to a number, but he was
often abused and treated as though he were less tha

human.

Two examples of this abuse follow, the first

with the

use of prisoners as guinea pigs in radiation experi

nts, and

the other dealing with guard brutality.

g about

these incidents, it is important to keep
and abuse had led to the incarceration of many of t
people in the first place.

neglect
se

udd /

31

* * *
CASTRATION ANYONE?

During the Cold War the U.S. government conduc

d secret

radiation experiments on sometimes unsuspecting, us

lly ill-

informed human subjects.

From 1963 to 1970 one suc

experiment was performed on sixty-four prisoners at

SP and

about the same number at an Oregon prison, under
direction of the University of washington's C. Alve

Paulsen.

Experimenters irradiated the prisoners' testicles i

order to

discover the effects of radiation on human reproduc
which was thought to be particularly susceptible to damage
because of the rate of regeneration of sperm cells.
A discrepancy exists between Paulsen's testimo
that of a prisoner regarding what happened to sUbje
experimenters were finished.

According to Paulsen,

subjects were given v~sectomies,81 but the prisoner
were castrated.

aid they

In fact, it was when he learned of

intention to castrate him that he refused to go thr
82
the experiment.
Although Paulsen would be in a be ter
position to remember how his test was run, the pris ner's
story is more plausible, because the doctors knew t at
radiation caused cancer, and one would hope that th y would
have taken measures to prevent the subjects from de eloping
tumors.

II

i'

Although doctors knew of the risk of cancer, m
prisoners did not.

An article in Newsweek noted th

consent form presented to Oregon prisoners
side effects but made no mention of cancer.

udd /

32

t
the
some

83

some WSP prisoners who participated in the study cl
84

they were not informed of all the possible side eff

tS.

This claim was recently supported by a Government A

ounting

Office report that stated: "In some of the tests
experiments, healthy adults, psychiatric patients,

d prison

inmates were used without their knowledge or consen

or their

full knowledge of the risks involved.,,85
It is hard to imagine why anyone would have ag
have his testicles irradiated, especially knowing t

t he

would be sterilized afterward, but it is easier to

derstand

when the subject was a prisoner with low self-estee
Prisoners were also vulnerable due to literacy and
barriers and because of their complete dependence
officials to provide for and protect them.

0

prison

Paulsen

admitted that at the time it was common to use pris
guinea pigs,86 the implication being that they were
recruit.

to

At that time prisoners made up only a sma

percentage of the overall population, though, and i

would

have been much more convenient to recruit from free
The other implication of Paulsen's statement

it

was ethical to experiment on prisoners but not on f
people.

In essence, the state had dehumanized

put them in prison.

This is yet another example of

it

udd /

33

punishment philosophy conflicted with that of rehabi itation:
To dehumanize someone was perfectly consistent with

unishing

them, and it followed naturally from the permanent
of the rights of citizenship (such as the right to

te) that

accompanied imprisonment, but it ran contrary to the goals of
the therapeutic process.

* * *
CRIMINAL GUARDS

Another sYmptom of the dehumanizing process was guard
brutality.

At WSP, overcrowding made it

difficult for guards to maintain order, and
lost interest in interfering in prisoner to
violence.

Then the guards began to fear for their

safety, and lacking guidance from the administratio , they
started to abuse the prisoners.
Among the most biting comments made

in

Hoptowit v. Ray were those pertaining to this pheno
"Guard brutality was the norm.

It was encouraged

peer

pressure among the guards and facilitated by indiff
the part of the administration."

Part of the reas

on
for

this was the way in which staff was selected and
Obviously, if Dr. Hunter was any indication, the

at WSP

was not selected with a great deal of care.

went

on to say:

The

"The recruiting program drew a predomi

udd /

34

white, rural prison staff, in contrast to the large
minority, urban inmate population.

The screening p

gram was

inadequate to find persons suited to perform

ons

work.

n the

The recruiting program was inadequate

proper number of prison staff.
.
d equate 1 y supervlse
.
d ."
lna

The prison guards w

e

87

The subcommittee on Adult Corrections and the
investigation team both agreed with this point.

in

1980, Subcommittee members stated that the prison s

was

"in a state of major crisis"
"a long time coming."

and that this crisis
riots

They went on to refer to t

at WSP and two other prisons as symptoms of, among
'
d guar d s. 88
'
t h lngs,
poorl
y tralne

The ACA recommenda ions

mentioned earlier implied similar conclusions.
recommended a complete restructuring of the way gua ds were
recruited and of the way in which staff interacted
..

.

a d m~nlstratlon.

ith the

89

The incident of brutality on which most of the above
conclusions were made was the one that occurred in

uly 1979.

In order to put this incident in perspective, howev r, we
must first describe the events leading up to it.
began on June 15 when a guard was stabbed and
trying to break up a fight between prisoners.

I

all
while

The

administration reacted by locking down the entire p ison,
which meant that prisoners were denied showers, exe cise, and
visits.

Then guards performed a shakedown on each

removing and destroying prisoners' personal items,

nit,
nc1uding

udd /
legal papers and family photos.

9o

On June 15 after

35

-wing

was shaken down, prisoners there tore up their cell

in

protest, and were taken to the yard where they

the next

forty-four days outdoors without protection
elements. 91

On July 8 some of the prisoners in segr gation
92
tore up their cells in solidarity with 8_wing.
Se regation

guards then called in the riot team which handcuffe

six

prisoners to their cells, maced and beat them, then took them
93
to strip cells.
An investigator from the Office of the Attorne

General

was sent in to determine if the allegations of guar
brutality were true.

His findings were meticulousl

detailed, though sometimes poorly expressed, but hi
conclusions were somewhat bizarre.

For example, he began one

paragraph by concluding, "We do not find any resis ance
nts that

during this period of time on the part of the
would explain or justify the violence on the part
officers."

0

the

In that same paragraph, however, he wr

"There has been some criticism of the correctional officers
requiring the residents to crawl to their cells.

G ven the

uncuffing of three residents for each cell, this wo ld appear
to be acceptable procedure.,,94

He was not very cle r about

why the guards made the prisoners crawl, and the re son he
gave did not explain why he thought the act was

ju~

ified.

In this way, he seemed to be contradicting his orig nal
conclusion, because he had stated that the prisoner
resisting.

were not

udd /

36

At any rate, his ultimate conclusion was that b utality
occurred, that prisoners exaggerated its seriousness while
guards downplayed it, and that it was impossible to

now for

sure which members of the riot team were the perpetr tors.
He blamed the brutality on inadequate training,
supervision of the members of the riot team.

ning and

96

Dr. Conte had noticed such insufficiencies man

years

earlier, and the main emphasis of his early reforms

as on

changing the attitude of the guards.

95

In describing· is

motivation for attempting these changes, he wrote,
[W]hen I heard the uncomplimentary adjectives used

staff

in describing residents of the prisons, I again won

red if

an attitude even of tolerance could be created, let

lone one

·
o f acceptance and compass10n."

97

Judging by the br

that existed in 1979, it appears that Dr. Conte's f
justified.

* * *
IT LOOKED LIKE DEMOCRACY

Another of Dr. Conte's aims was similar to Hya
second rehabilitative concern, to teach responsibil ty.

His

approach was to create the Resident Governmental Co

at

WSP, which was meant to be a tool to teach responsi Ie
citizenship to the prisoners by giving them a voice in how
the prison would be run.

As previously mentioned,

similar

37

approach was used in the successful Cornerstone Prog am in
Oregon.

Unfortunately for the RGC, the WSP experime twas

met with great hostility by staff, and the prisoners
misinterpreted it as a program of power sharing with the
..
.
98
a d m1.nl.strat1.on.

The result was fear and resentment on the part

f staff

and resentment and frustration on the part of prison rs.

One

RGC member complained, "It's not really possible to
influence the administration of this prison--this is just for
show.

The RGC is supposed to share the power fifty- ifty.
9

The administration would never let it be that way."

Once

it became clear that the RGC had no real power, pris
stopped taking it seriously, and its members became
in the effort to organize for better conditions.

utsiders

Re, ants of

the council lived on after Conte's resignation in 19 I, but
it never became the rehabilitative tool it was meant to be.
Perhaps the RGC was doomed from the start, in v ew of
the extensive problems still being encountered in th
attitude of the guards.

On the other hand, the idea itself

may have been inherently flawed, given the reality
prison system.

0

Considering that even after release

the
risoners

did not enjoy the same rights of citizenship as ever
else, it would have been difficult to teach them
responsibility, no matter how well thought-out the p
might have been.

Rights and responsibility go hand'

without one, you can't have the other.

gram
handj

udd /

38

* * *
CONCLUSI:ON

That the problems discussed in reference to WS
nationally indicates that these conditions were inh
the American prison setting in the 1970's.

existed
ent to

Most of

problems still exist today, however, making it seem

ikely

that it is the ideas behind prisons that create the
phenomena.

A common feature among American prisons

last few decades has been that one of their main

tions,

and the one that gets the highest priority,
prisoners away from the public.

Another such

n is to

punish, which is at once thought to be vengeful and
rehabilitative.

It is in fact the functions of pun' hment

and isolation, however I that form the conditions th,

make

true rehabilitation difficult.
As mandated by state law, efforts to initiate
rehabilitative programs for WSP prisoners were made

n the

late 1960's and early 1970's.

de,

By the end

however, the State of washington had little to show

or it.

Although the literature of the period suggested sev

al

courses of action, ranging from vocational training

o self-

esteem building, few programs were ever actually i

emented

and those that were proved to be inadequate.
At this moment the state legislature is
against what it perceives to be undeserved prisoner

ampage

39

privileges.

It proposes to eliminate teachers, cha

e

prisoners for medical treatment, virtually eliminat
visitation with family, and it wants prisoners to w
time.

k full

When faced with the likelihood that creating

additional employment for prisoners would be too e

nsive,

Representative Padden came up with the brilliant

tion of

having prisoners break rocks.
people like Representative Padden say that
rehabilitation has been proven ineffective and that 't is
time to return to the punishment philosophy.

In re

however, rehabilitation was never given a realistic
and the reason for this was our unwillingness to gi
punishment.

Until that happens, we can look forwar

ity,
hance,
up
to

continued recidivism, even more overcrowded prisons, and a
corrections budget that we cannot afford.

!'..ldd /

40

..,
Proapectua,

p.20-'.
M~nnLn;er.

p.2S.
196~ Extraordl~3ry S~aalon.

Chapte, 9,

S~ltlcn

3,

0'.1676.
Lowa of Waohir.gton,

19,,9. C",.ptcr 72.48. p 308.

CMr"Clicr.a, ":",nuory-febrc.lary
5.'...• .

1"'~9,

0'.21.

<:n;e1. 1'1.0., WOlt""du Th'di'Y in fuaen ar.d 0"

:nterr.at;cr."l Jou:"al

o~ O;:'~c.Qer

Tn.,rapy,

t~,e

vol.ll,

1'.';6
198:'.

p.l?~

t

9.

:lon.. ",...-." Pa ad'! ...
(S"p'-~mber

Ie 31, 1978,

Wa,h,ngton
t~e

Ch",nnon

S~atP ~pn~-t jubcommit~ee on Ad~lo
o~e

".

-.~'"

of .

;:~

Corrertlona,

;;",',al" Corr::nittee cr. Sc=u:

~r~

.~<i

to

He.,] c"

1'.5.

I

udd

14

41

H.L. Keith, ~A Report on the Washington State adult correct onal

institutions," 1964.

stracts,

As summarized in Crime and Delin uenc

vol.3, abstract #5.
15

Keith A. Coombs, ~An analysis of the academic educational p ogram in
in

Washington State adult correctional institutions."
Crime and Delinquency Abstracts, vol.3 #8, abstract
16

Thomas M. Sykes, Ph.D., et. al., An Anal

s of Prison

Inmates in Washington State, Washington State Department of S

and

Health Services, 1980, p.67.
17

Sykes, p.70.

16

Sykes, p.81-

19

Sykes, p.93.

20

sykes, p.102.

21

Joan K. Jackson, et. al., ~The Seattle

Project for Chronic Alcoholics," Federal Probation, June

abilitation
p.40.

Gary Field, Ph.D., "The Effects of Intensive Treatment on

ducing the

Criminal Recidivism of Addicted Offenders," Federal Probation

December

22

1989, p.51.
23

Field, p.55.

24

Field, p. 51.

~5

26
~7

Sykes, p.54.
~Inrnates Sue State," Northwest Passage, August 25-Septembe

8, 1975.

Sykes, p.60.

28

Sykes, p.1l9.

29

Finestone study.

As cited in Richard Dembo, ~Recidivism:

e

'Criminal's' Reaction to 'Treatment'," Criminology, February 1971, p.349.
30

B.J. Rhay, ~Observations on European Correctional Systems,! Planning

Prospectus, p.82.
-0·1 Rhay, p.88.

udd /

32

42

William R. Conte, M.D., nModern Day Reforms in Washington St te Penal

Programs," American Journal of Corrections, May-June 1971, p.2
33

Conte, nModern Day Reforms," p.30.

34

William R. Conte, Is Prison Reform Possible?

35

nln the Hole at Walla Walla," Northwest Passage, August 9-29

36

Voice of Prison, October 1972.

Tacoma WA, 199 , p.89.

37

Hoptowit v. Ray, p.1258-9.

38

Inez Cardozo-Freeman, The Joint: Lan ua e and Culture in a

1976.

ximum

Security Prison (Springfield, Ill, 1984), p.329.
39

ACA Report, p .11.

40

Planning Prospectus, p.2.

41

Sim Van Der Ryn, nCan Architecture Aid a Therapeutic Process." American

Journal of Correction, January-February 1969, p.42.
42

E. John Lease, Ph.D., nA Review of Prison Dietary Practices, , American

Journal of Correction, May-June 1968, p.16-7.
43

Danny Atteberry, interview,

(November 25, 1994).

44

Most of the information in this paragraph provided

p.1256.
45

Conte, nModern Day Reforms," p.30.

46

Walla Walla Brothers, "Letters from

(November 8-21, 1976).
47

nln the Hole at Walla Wa 11 a, "N or th wes t

Passage.

48

Walla Walla Brothers, "Partial Walla Walla Strike Still On,' Northwest

August 9-

, 1976.

Passage (June 21-July 12, 1977).
49

nprisoners Get the Squeeze," Northwest Passage, May 22- Jun

50

Bill Patz,nSaturday Afternoon at the Pen," Northwest Passa

12, 1978.
, July 11-

31, 1978.
51

nMedical Headaches, Transfer Woes," Northwest Passage

21, 1978).

I-August

.;Judd!

·;3

,.
"

'.

HOpto~-1t

v.

Ray.

< ,
p.120",-3,

Ilopto,ut -•. Ray,

p.1253.

fj"ptow~t

".12~2.

v. Ray.

.

Syke;. p.4S.

:.l,,~',.,:ly~ L. Eho>:n,

"W~~l~

"Prioon P"ychol0'li~t R~li"v"d of duti,,".'" 7h" "<lic"

'.I'all0 ""oth"". 51aM b"hov'OUL me,i." Cp.. "

1977. :11 ... ealt~.

,eteu~d

'-0 as "B"h8Viou:

M~i

Road. SpL''',!,

"I

.. F,ychol 0'1' ~:.• "

;"'w~

.,

L~'~.

"
:.""'" "
;'a "'~

"

,.

~Id~h'l\q\<.>r"

1 ~O7,

;;~Jp~"L

'0.

Senio~

\1". hI r.<H 0",

• !. :'7,

;;~lap·.",

·1 0 ,

S,,~l"O"

,

W"'h,ngt.on,

j ~S".

:h"p:."r

n.

S"c~iol1

n.Ca.,10.

W~~h~c.qton,

_%5

Sy<"s, p.oo.

txtr4otd~l1aty S~"HOI1,

Chapt~t

O.

S~"ti<ln

,

Judd /

14

This conclusion was based in part on:

~Reality

44

Melitta Schmideberg, ,1M. D.,

Therapy with Offenders," International Journal of

Of~~

Therapy, vol.14, p.19-30.
:1

75

Sykes, p.108.

76

Isadore Hyatt, Ed.D., ~Stone Walls Do not a Citizen Make,"

~~deral
I

Probation, March 1960, p.53.
77

Judy Briscoe, ~The Cost of Child Abuse and Neglect," Correct ons Toda ,

December 1994, p,28.
78

::

Briscoe, p.28.

::::~~:~::~~Ph

primarily based on "Exploring murky history

tests," Seattle Times (January 12, 1994).

01 radiation

(Hereafter referred

as

'i

~Exploring.")

82

Atteberry,

83

~Arnerica's Nuclear Secrets," Newsweek

84

~Exploring"

85

~o
'i\

(November 25, 1994).

:i
(December 27, 1993).

Human Experimentation: An Overview on Cold War Era Problems,

!\

~.s.

Government Accounting Office, 1994, p.4.
86

~Exploring"

87

Hoptowit v. Ray, p.1250.

86

This paragraph is based on the Subcommittee Report, p.1.

99

ACA Report, p. 6-7.

90

Bill Patz, ~Walla Walla: Lockdown Drag-out," Northwest Passag~ (July

31-September 7, 1979).
91

Christopher Bogan,

~The unholy 44 days in the Big Yard," The stokesman-

Review (Spokane, November 24, 1979).
92

~Letters

from Inside," Northwest Passage (July 31-September

:!

7,~1979).

.",
Judd /

93

Brooks P. Russell, Investigation into Alleged Brutality at ~
,

Washington State Penitentiary (August 2, 1979), p.6-14.

(Herea*ter
'I

referred to as Russell Investigation.)
94

Russell I nves t'19a t'lon, p. 16 .

95

Russell Investigation, p.19.

96

Russell I nves t'19a t'lon, p.21.

91

Conte, Is Prison Reform Possible? p.64.

98

Ibid, p.96-7.

99

Prisoner ~J.C.n as quoted in Erika Schmid Fairchild, Crime

Politics: A Study in Three Prisons (University of Washington,
p.286.

'[

d
974),

45

 

 

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